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This Week in Allegedly: Courthouse Covid-19 and Protests

Good morning.

It’s been a long, sleepless week. Election Day has turned into Election Week, and will probably drag out with myriad litigation involving votes. 

We know you want to keep refreshing the live results and see whether a winner is declared–obviously, we do too–so this week’s edition of Allegedly will be short. 

But please do try to enjoy our roundup of New York City crime and courts news. You need a break before returning to election news, social media, and everything else. And don’t forget to subscribe!   

The Allegedly List

  • William Rashbaum and Alan Feuer report that an anti-harassment honcho in the New York Police Department was accused of posting racist rants on a message board notorious for its rancor. This cop, who purportedly went by the online moniker “Clouseau”–yes, an apparent reference to the Pink Panther character– was Deputy Inspector James F. Kobel, authorities reportedly alleged. Kobel vehemently denied the allegations that he posted on The Rant, a site for members of service.  Via New York Times
  • The first criminal trial in the Bronx that was going to proceed since mid-March was canceled because of four Covid-19 cases in courthouse workers. This week, three court officers and an interpreter had positive coronavirus tests, spurring the Office of Court Administration to postpone the proceeding. Officials reportedly said they were “unrelated disparate reports that have nothing to do with the buildings.” Via New York Daily News
  • There have been three consecutive nights of protests in New York City since Tuesday — with at least 70 arrests and allegations of police misconduct. There were instances where NYPD officers kettled protesters, pushing them off the street and surrounding them, before making arrests. One woman was charged for allegedly punching a cop Wednesday, while another was collared for spitting at a cop’s face. The woman arrested for spitting reportedly said that officers incited this incident and allegedly broke her arm while arresting her. Via GothamistThe Wall Street Journal,The New York TimesNew York Post (Read Allegedly’s explainer on your right to protest here.) 
  • Rudy Giuliani’s associate, who’s indicted for allegedly shuttling campaign contributions to pols and Trump super-PACs, was allowed to leave home detention so he could vote on Election Day. Lev Parnas had asked Manhattan Federal Court Judge Paul Oetken for permission to “travel to his local polling place on November 3, 2020, in the company of his two sons, Aaron and Daniel, to vote.” Giuliani allegedly recruited Parnas and one of Parnas’s co-defendants, Igor Fruman, to find damaging intel on Joe Biden and his son, Hunter. Via New York Post
  • Tekashi 69’s kidnapper, Anthony Ellison, was sentenced to 24 years in federal prison on Wednesday, plus five years supervised release when he gets out. Ellison was convicted in October 2019. The guilty verdict came down following a trial in which Tekashi, real name Daniel Hernandez, snitched extensively against his former gang associates. Via Vulture
  •  Timothy Shea, one of Steve Bannon’s co-defendants in an alleged scheme to skim donations from a border wall fundraiser, name-dropped King George III in a push to move his upcoming trial to Colorado. George III was the King of England when the then-colonies declared and won independence.  “Among the enumerated ‘…injuries and usurpations’ attributed to George III compelling the Fathers of the Republic to declare their independence from the sovereignty of Great Britain was: ‘For transporting us beyond the Seas to be tried for pretended offenses,’” Shea’s lawyer, John Meringolo, wrote Thursday. Via SDNY court documents
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Allegedly Extra: Your Right To Protest

It’s Election Day!

If you haven’t voted yet, stop reading and get to the polls! You can always read Allegedly in line or after you cast your ballot. 

Not surprisingly, this special edition of Allegedly involves the Presidential race. 

The New York Police Department has been prepping for mass protests over today’s election. 

In an October memo, NYPD Commissioner Dermot Shea reportedly said: “There is also a strong likelihood that the winner of the presidential election may not be decided for several weeks…accordingly, we should anticipate and prepare for protests growing in size, frequency, and intensity leading up to the election and likely into the year 2021.”

Shea also said in this memo that starting Oct. 25, uniformed officers of “every service rank” needed to be ready for deployment. Most officers must report to duty in uniform, even if they don’t usually wear this dress, NBC New York said.   

Considering what happened during protests this summer–when NYPD officers were repeatedly accused of brutality and misconduct, including false arrest, and harassing journalists– and the fact that it appears to keep happening, you might wonder what your rights are at demonstrations. 

So, Allegedly put together a quick guide to your rights in New York City.*

Yes, you can protest even though there’s a pandemic. 

It’s is your right under the First Amendment!  Even with social distancing requirements, you can still assemble in groups of 10 people or less, so long as you keep six feet of distance from others.  If you want to hold signs and pass out fliers, that’s also within your rights, The Legal Aid Society said.

Importantly, you do have the right to film protests–including “police activity,” according to the New York Civil Liberties Union. The NYCLU noted: “Maintain enough distance not to interfere with police activity.”

And remember: Mask mandates are still a thing even if you’re outside and can’t keep six feet of distance from others, advocates said. 

As for permits…

If you’re not blocking pedestrians, you don’t need a permit to march on sidewalks “without amplified sound.” You don’t need a permit to pass out pamphlets in public parks or public sidewalks. In fact, you don’t need a permit to have a demo, presser, or rally on a public sidewalk, the NYCLU said. 

There are protest activities that do require an NYPD permit. Those include “marching in the street” and “using sound amplification,” per NYCLU. 

Legal Aid said that a permit might be required to “gather in a city park.” NYCLU notes that you need a permit for a park event if there are more than 20 people. Also, “a procession involving 50 or more vehicles or bicycles in a public street” requires a permit.  

Allegedly scribe and public space scholar Catherina Gioino informs us that a permit is required, however, if large groups of people leave the sidewalk, or public space, and go into the street, technically blocking traffic.

You have rights if you’re arrested 

If you’ve watched any TV in the past however long TV has existed, you know that you have the right to remain silent. Legal Aid explains: “If you choose to talk to the police, it can be used against you. Don’t tell the police anything except your name, address, and date of birth.” 

The legal advocacy organization said that if you’re arrested, ask for a lawyer right away. 

What else?

Even if you protest peacefully,  doing so in accordance with the law, you might still get hassled just for being there. Police might give a “dispersal order” — basically, an official get-out-of-here. However, if cops do this, they have to give “clear notice” and give you the chance to leave, Legal Aid said. 

If cops stop you, they have to disclose their name, rank, and command–and they also have to tell you why you’re being stopped. Also, remember how you absolutely have the right to take photos and record video? Well, they can’t take them, or demand to see them, without a warrant. They’re also not permitted to erase data “under any circumstances,” Legal Aid explained.

*Obviously, this isn’t legal advice because we’re not lawyers. It’s just information that you might find interesting, or useful, or whatever. Again, it’s not legal advice! Again, we’re not lawyers! And we’re most definitely not your lawyer! We’re a newsletter. If you want legal advice, you need it from a lawyer, not us!

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This Week in Allegedly: NXIVM and Heists

Hi!

The election is happening in a few days. Go vote! Whether you’ve already voted, are standing in line to cast your ballot, or waiting until Nov. 3, you probably need a break from political news. This week’s Allegedly gives you exactly that! We’ve got stories on NXIVM leader Keith Raniere’s fate and cargo heists at JFK for The Allegedly List. In The Allegedly Original, Trevor Boyer spoke with a woman whose lengthy battle with Administration for Children’s Services took a weird turn when media reports revealed that her baby’s onetime foster mom had a criminal past.

The Allegedly List

  • NXIVM sex cult leader Keith Raniere was sentenced Tuesday to 120 years in federal prison. Victims who provided statements in Brooklyn federal court described him as a manipulative sicko, with India Oxenberg saying: “I will be a victim of Keith Raniere for the rest of my life…you’re a sexual predator and you raped me.” Raniere said he didn’t think he was guilty of any crimes, but apologized for causing pain. Via Vulture
  • Francisco Garcia, the cop who put his knee against a bystander’s neck while performing a social distancing arrest, quit rather than go through a departmental trial. The May 2 incident in the East Village, which was recorded on video, spurred widespread condemnation. The Manhattan District Attorney’s Office is investigating Garcia. Via New York Daily News
  • Five purported Chinese agents were busted in the U.S. on Wednesday for an alleged harassment campaign carried out for China’s government, Brooklyn federal prosecutors said. The alleged victim, a onetime Chinese official accused of pocketing bribes back home, received menacing messages and was stalked from 2016 to 2019. The five men were allegedly trying to get their target to go back to China, where he would face time behind bars. Via New York Daily News
  • Federal prosecutors in Manhattan said Wednesday that the Afghan national who kidnapped a New York Times reporter, and two other people, was arrested. Purported Taliban commander Haji Najibullah kidnapped David Rohde, an Afghan journalist, and the person driving them, at gunpoint in 2008. The two journalists escaped after more than seven months. Via New York Daily News
  • David Correia—an associate of the Ukraine-born businessman who assisted Donald Trump’s personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, search for damaging info on Joe Biden—pleaded guilty Thursday to scamming investors. Correia admitted that he scammed them into thinking his insurance company, Fraud Guarantee, was a legit business. The company, which paid Giuliani $500,000 for consulting work, provided “no insurance product whatsoever,” Manhattan federal prosecutors said. Via Washington Post
  • The first criminal trial since the coronavirus pandemic started this week in Manhattan Supreme Court. The judge, court reporter, prosecutor, and witness box were protected “on three sides by transparent plastic,” and the defense lawyer and his client were separated with a partition.” Jurors were seated in the gallery, socially distanced from one another. Via New York Post
  • Manhattan federal Judge Lewis Kaplan ruled Tuesday that the U.S. Justice Department can’t defend Trump in E. Jean Carroll’s defamation case. Kaplan said that Trump’s comments “concerned media reports about an alleged sexual assault that took place more than twenty years before he took office…neither the media reports nor the underlying allegations have any relationship to his official duties,” Kaplan also said of Trump, whom Carroll accused of rape. Via New York Post
  • Six people were indicted for their alleged role in cargo heists at JFK airport, Queens prosecutors said Thursday. The accused thieves allegedly hauled two tractor trailers packed with $6 million in designer merch—such as Chanel handbags, Gucci accessories, and Prada pret-a-porter items. The two alleged ringleaders were truckers had previously worked at the airport and used their “insider knowledge” to nab air cargo. Via Queens District Attorney’s Office

The Allegedly Original

She Lost Custody of Her Baby. Then The Baby’s Foster-Mom Was Arrested in a Hit-and-Run

By Trevor Boyer

In New York City, the Administration for Children’s Services has repeatedly come under fire, both for its handling of minors and their parents. Children have sued ACS for keeping them in foster care for excessive amounts of time—and alleged that mistreatment rates are among the highest in the U.S.

ACS workers have been accused of repeatedly ignoring warning signs that children were abused. A 2018 report from the city’s Department of Investigation found that most of ACS’s service providers were falling well short of federal guidelines.

Parents have also accused ACS of wrongly coming after them, either with the threat of investigation or loss of custody. This includes parents with intellectual disabilities, and parents who lost a child due to apparent crib death, among others. Sometimes, other child custodians dangle the threat of ACS in front of economically disadvantaged parents. For example, parents have been accused of “virtual absences” when their children fail to attend online classes during the pandemic, despite this often arising from malfunctioning electronics provided by the city—or spotty internet access in homeless shelters.

Allegedly interviewed Ashley Tucker, whose son Achilles was taken from her just five days after his birth—while he was still in the neonatal intensive care unit (NICU). Achilles was placed in the home of Julia Litmanovich and, during his time there, repeatedly showed signs of neglect, Tucker claimed. Litmanovich was arrested in a hit-and-run in spring 2019. Shortly thereafter, Tucker learned of Litmanovich’s criminal past.

Tucker’s ordeal with Achilles began almost three years ago, on Feb. 28, 2018, because of unrelated child custody issues in Arizona, she said. Tucker said that when she lived in Arizona, child welfare authorities took her four daughters based on “the lies of landlords and a family member.”

Her first two daughters ended up in a foster placement with the landlord couple from whom she was renting a room at the time. They were looking after her two girls while Tucker worked, and three times called the state’s child welfare agency before eventually filing a dependency claim in court.

The state agency removed Tucker’s daughters in April 2012 while she was pregnant with a third girl. She got them back on a trial basis later that year but 11 days before the case was set to be closed, Tucker said, the state took them again.

Tucker gave her mother guardianship over her third daughter, who born that June, as a newborn but retained custody. Tucker feared the state would also take custody of her.

In 2014, while she was pregnant a fourth time, Tucker had a kidney failure. Doctors prescribed powerful medications for her pain, including oxycodone. Because she had open cases with child protection authorities, Tucker reported these medications to the agency. Right after she delivered, the state agency took custody of her fourth daughter as she tested positive for opioids. She underwent another surgery during her next pregnancy in 2015 as well, with the same result—opioids prescribed, a positive test at birth, a daughter removed from her custody.

In late 2017, Tucker moved to New York City so her partner could take a job and she could care for his family. In February 2018, Achilles was born five weeks premature.

She maintained that the New York City Administration for Children’s Services took custody of Achilles based on these previous cases in Arizona—not because of any new allegations. An ACS lawyer said in court that Arizona authorities contacted the New York agency. Tucker said she still doesn’t how Arizona authorities knew she was pregnant, let alone delivering her first son. (Arizona’s Department of Child Safety declined to say anything about Tucker’s case, writing in an email: “We cannot comment due to confidentiality laws.”)

“My cases [in Arizona] were closed for months, almost a full year before he was born,” she said. “All they would have had to do was order a hair-follicle test, and I could have squashed any fears or anything like that.”

Tucker said she spent as much time with Achilles as permitted by judges in the following months. Litmanovich was Achilles’s foster mom during most of his time away from home.

Tucker said she came to know Litmanovich as a foster placement who didn’t know how to secure little Achilles in his carseat. She said that Litmanovich rescheduled his doctor’s appointments without notifying Tucker or ACS—as required. “My son was coming [to visits] with moldy bottles. He had bruises on him,” Tucker alleged.

Tucker said she documented everything she could and did everything that the court and caseworkers required. The caseworkers were contracted by Children’s Aid, according to Tucker and documents reviewed by Allegedly. Tucker said she passed every drug test, every psych evaluation, and made every appointment and court date.

Tucker believed that if she slipped just once, she wouldn’t get Achilles back. “I had to be above reproach. I had to be on top of everyone, including my lawyers, to make sure that nobody could question me,” she said.

Meanwhile, caseworkers told Litmanovich that she was on track to adopt Achilles, Tucker said.

In late March 2019, Julia’s behavior was becoming even more erratic, Tucker said. In an email she sent her lawyers on March 28 of last year, Tucker wrote: “Can we have someone do a wellness check on Achilles, no one can get ahold of Julia and I think someone might have told her that he’s coming home. And I’m worried she might hurt him or run with him.”

After Julia missed a doctor’s appointment and a court date, it wasn’t easy for Tucker to get Children’s Aid to check on Achilles, she claimed. “I begged and I pleaded and I low-key threatened after that: If you don’t go check on my son, I’m gonna go call the cops to do a welfare check.”

Finally, Tucker said, a Children’s Aid supervisor started seeing her as a human being. The supervisor went to Litmanovich’s apartment. Achilles was safe in his crib—but Litmanovich, it was later learned, hadn’t taken the baby to daycare for two weeks.

Tucker learned on March 29 2019 that Achilles was sleeping at a Staten Island Children’s Aid facility that hosts visits.

Just over a week later, Litmanovich’s alleged incident hit the news. The NYPD had released video that appeared to show Litmanovich running a red light and hitting a girl on March 27 2019, sending her flying through the air, authorities said. They put out Litmanovich’s mugshot. Later, the Daily News took video of Litmanovich being walked out of her apartment in handcuffs.

Litmanovich’s arrest came to Tucker’s attention at 3 a.m one morning when she was scrolling through her Google newsfeed. Tucker could not pinpoint what she saw first, but cried after seeing Litmanovich was arrested. “I was scared. This whole time I was telling them, ‘This lady is erratic,’” Tucker said. “It was clicking that I was right this whole time, and they think I’m crazy.”

News accounts reported that Litmanovich had been arrested over 30 times before, and did a year of probation after pleading guilty in a 2008 hit-and-run. Court records also indicate that she pleaded guilty to hindering prosecution in relation to a 1996 homicide.

“I’m just seeing this shit, and it was devastating, because my son was with her,” Tucker said. “It was all piling on. I was crying and puking in succession.”

In total, Achilles was with Litmanovich for over a year.

Litmanovich’s childhood friend Kimberley Perricone, who stayed in touch with her until she was arrested, said in a phone interview that her friend had recovered from a drug addiction and became a drug and alcohol counselor herself. Litmanovich also did home therapy for special-needs children. A lawyer who represented Litmanovich at her arraignment for the hit-and-run charge said the same in court. This attorney could not be reached for comment.

Less than a month after her arrest, Litmanovich was dead. After her arraignment in Brooklyn Criminal Court, she was hospitalized at Staten Island University Hospital North Campus. Friends said she died from complications of a brain tumor on May 5, 2019.

Meanwhile, Achilles bounced around the system. After being in the Staten Island facility, he was moved to a new placement in Queens, which had pets that Achilles is allergic to. He bounced from there to two more unsuitable homes in just two weeks. Finally, Achilles was placed in a caring foster placement that focused specifically on children with high medical needs, Tucker claimed. He wound up staying there for the rest of his time away from Tucker.

Tucker’s efforts to regain custody were progressing. Tucker’s case had the rare fortune of being picked up by the NYU Law School’s Family Defense Clinic, which joins as co-counsel on a handful of cases out of the thousands that public defenders handle each year. (Brooklyn Defender Services represented Tucker from day one until her case’s ultimate dismissal.)

The judge started enforcing the four hours Tucker was supposed to have to visit Achilles, and she started getting three visits a week instead of just two. Now Tucker actually got to spend time and do kangaroo care with Achilles — that’s skin-to-skin contact designed especially for premature babies — instead of just bringing milk to him.

In October 2019, Tucker started getting overnight visits. And starting this February, she had Achilles fulltime in what’s called a trial discharge. But the case was still open, and Tucker had to make court dates. So she was still careful. “I was videoing [Achilles] and taking pictures and documenting every day just in case they tried anything funny,” she said.

On July 1 2020, the day Tucker’s case was set to be dismissed, there was no dramatic courthouse scene, due to COVID. Instead, Tucker was at home, staring at her phone, waiting for her Brooklyn Defenders lawyer to send along the dismissal order.

“I cried when I saw the document saying the case was dismissed,” she said.

There it was in black and white, with the digital signature of the Honorable Melody Glover: Achilles officially was back in Tucker’s custody, with no supervision.

Achilles was very angry and confrontational when Tucker first got him back, she said. But he changed, day by day.

“My therapist said, you know what changed? You. You’re what’s different. I said, yeah, that’s true.”

“I know I’m raising a compassionate human being,” Tucker said. “I cut myself cooking, and Achilles said, ‘Mommy hurt, you OK?’ He had barely turned two. He told me to sit, and he ran and got cream and a Band-aid for me. He knew to do that. He’s just such a loving kid for having been through what he had to go through.”

Now, Tucker and her partner continue fighting to bring Achilles’ sisters home. Since regaining custody of Achilles, they’ve already succeeded in bringing their third daughter back from Arizona, the girl who had been in the care of Tucker’s mother.

Tucker said that while her situation had a happy ending, it could have gone a completely different way. She said she lives with the fear that ACS might take Achilles again.

“My counselor says I shouldn’t have to live in fear. But it is what it is. I’m always going to have that fear.”

Children’s Aid did not respond to a request for comment. When asked for comment, ACS said in an email: “Protecting children’s safety while in foster care is a top priority for ACS and that’s why Commissioner [David] Hansell has been focused on improving all aspects of foster care in New York City. In addition to reducing the number of children in foster care to an all-time low, we’ve launched new programs to enhance safety, invested in a campaign to increase the recruitment of quality foster parents and increased the proportion of children in foster care living with family and family friends.”

“We will continue to do thorough reviews of our foster care provider programs, and implement new strategies to improve safety, permanency and well-being outcomes for New York City children.”

They said state law barred them from talking about specific cases.

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This Week in Allegedly: Ghislaine Maxwell, Paul Manafort, and COVID-19

Good news: It’s almost the weekend!

While you’re still stuck at your desk, however, why not catch up on this week’s New York City courts and crime news?

The Allegedly List is packed with twists and turns: Ghislaine Maxwell’s deposition finally dropped, and former Donald Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort caught a legal break. For The Allegedly Original, Catherina Gioino put together a brief guide to help you navigate New York City’s judicial ballot.

If you like what you read, please subscribe! If you don’t like what you read, whatever. We’re still happy that you took a look! 

The Allegedly List

  • Ghislaine Maxwell’s April 2016 deposition was finally unsealed Thursday morning, revealing details about her relationship with convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. Maxwell tried to downplay Epstein and former President Bill Clinton’s relationship. The deposition also suggested there was speculation that Epstein might have been involved in government work. Via The Guardian 
  • A New York state appeals court agreed with Paul Manafort’s argument that the Manhattan District Attorney’s financial fraud case wasn’t viable under state double-jeopardy laws, per a Thursday ruling. Justice Maxwell Wiley threw out the Manhattan D.A.’s case against Manafort last December, saying that he had already faced trial for these crimes in a federal court. Manafort is serving a 7 ½ year prison sentence for the federal rap. Via New York Daily News
  • The home of lawyer Randy Mastro—who has repped residents in their fight to shutter an Upper West Side hotel where homeless men reside—was vandalized with spray paint. Tags such as “Randy Mastro you can’t displace us” and “F–k you Randy” were painted on the front of his Upper East Side home. Mastro was not home when the vandalism happen, but a neighbor told him about the incident. Via New York Post
  • Jan Ransom wrote about a new report describing racial bias in New York’s state court system, which contained numerous disturbing details—such as a white court officer referencing a Black court officer as “one of the good monkeys.” “The sad picture that emerges is, in effect, a second-class system of justice for people of color in New York State,” the report’s author wrote. Lawrence K. Marks, chief administrative judge, said: “The findings are troubling, but not surprising.” Via The New York Times
  • A Manhattan judge reversed the suspension of three New York University students who were suspended after photos emerged showing them partying off-campus, without masks, before the fall semester began. Supreme Court Justice Carol Edmead ruled Wednesday that NYU’s punishment was “arbitrary, capricious and constitute[d] an abuse of discretion.” Enmead said that although NYU sent out emails during the summer about coronavirus safety regulations, the messages didn’t make clear that these policies would be enforced before the semester. Via New York Post
  • Manhattan Federal Court Judge Paul Engelmayer decided Tuesday that approximately 99.6 percent of New York City’s crosswalks aren’t accessible to blind pedestrians. Engelmayer’s ruling stemmed from The American Council of the Blind of New York’s June 2018 lawsuit against the city and municipal officials. A city spokeswoman said that officials are “dedicated to making our streets more accessible” and will “continue to install Accessible Pedestrian Signals.” Via New York Post 
  • A government lawyer repping Donald Trump in E. Jean Carroll’s defamation case against the President was denied entry to court for a key proceeding Wednesday—because he had just arrived from a COVID-19 hotspot and had to quarantine. Manhattan Federal Court Judge Lewis Kaplan said that government attorneys could just use their prior written motions. The hearing was on whether the U.S. Department of Justice should be permitted to rep Trump in Carroll’s suit. Via Courthouse News Service
  • Tekashi 6ix9ine was sued Tuesday by the minor who is shown engaging in sex acts with adults in videos he put on social media. She was only 13-years-old during this incident, and claims in her Manhattan Supreme Court suit that “at least” three videos were made. The rapper’s lawyer said they will “vigorously defend” against this suit. Via Vulture
  • Remember New York state Supreme Court judge Mark Grisanti, who was shown in bodycam footage pushing a cop in Buffalo, while shirtless and allegedly drunk? Per Frank Runyeon, the FBI investigated why he wasn’t charged in this incident, which stemmed from an altercation with neighbors.  While the Department of Justice closed the investigation without bringing charges, governor Andrew Cuomo “has discretion” whether the state Attorney General probes why he wasn’t collared. Via Law360

The Allegedly Original 

So, What’s Up With New York City’s Judicial Ballot?

By Catherina Gioino

You probably already know who’s getting your vote for the White House come election day, but you may be undecided about the numerous aspiring judges vying for the chance to rule on some of the city’s most important cases. Or, in the case of judges up for reelection, the opportunity to keep making decisions on these cases.

Here’s why your [informed] vote matters: Judges elected to the Civil Court serve ten-year terms and hear cases from civil, criminal and family court. 

The public also elects justices to various state Supreme Courts, who serve 14-year terms and preside over cases involving $25,000 or more, felony criminal proceedings, as well as matrimonial cases. 

That’s some pretty hefty power for people you might not know.

There’s a reason judge races are pretty low on even the biggest politico’s radar: There’s barely any competition. Outside of a few races this year, there are usually as many seats as there are candidates. More so, the public doesn’t really get to choose some of the most visible judges. The governor picks judges for the appeals courts, and the mayor picks most criminal and family court judges, according to City Limits.

This year’s candidates include current judges, acting justices, justices, private-practice attorneys, Legal Aid lawyers, and activists. 

For a list of prospective judges, check out New York City’s Board of Elections website and Ballotpedia. You can find out more about your judicial district here.

For more detailed biographical information, City Limits’ articles on June 8 and Oct. 15 might be the most comprehensive rundowns. 

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This Week in Allegedly: Ghislaine Maxwell, Goats, and Police Procedurals

What a week.

Sure, we can say that about every week of 2020, but New York City’s courts and crime news over the past seven days included stories about Ghislaine Maxwell and a personal assistant accused of dismembering his boss, as well as an allegedly drunk judge who shoved a cop. See, that’s a lot. We’ve got more details in The Allegedly List. Peggy Gavan’s got another great story involving police and goats for The Allegedly Original—that touches on the origins of modern cop dramas. Enjoy this week’s edition and make sure to subscribe here

  • Ghislaine Maxwell’s legal team asked the U.S. Second Circuit Court of Appeals on Tuesday to keep her deposition in a now-settled civil suit under wraps. Maxwell, a longtime friend of Jeffrey Epstein now charged in relation to his sex-trafficking of minor girls, claimed that releasing this sworn testimony could ruin her chances of a fair trial—and solidify a “perjury trap” set by the feds. Via The Guardian US
  • While the number of people detained at New York City jails has declined under Mayor Bill de Blasio, and continues to do so, the amount of inmates locked in solitary confinement has largely held steady.  Since 2017, jails officials have leaned on solitary as a means of punishing approximately the same number of people. In the first half of 2020, approximately 13 percent of 7,200 inmates on Rikers Island had been in solitary at some point, “a much higher percentage so far this year than during the previous three years,” Jan Ransom reports. Via The New York Times
  • Tyrese Haspil, the executive assistant accused of killing his tech CEO boss Fahim Saleh, pleaded not guilty Monday to first-degree murder. The 21-year-old also allegedly dismembered Saleh’s lifeless body with an electric saw, in the entrepreneur’s Downtown Manhattan condo. Prosecutors said the evidence against Haspil was “voluminous.” Via New York Daily News
  • The Brooklyn U.S. Attorney’s Office said Wednesday that prosecutors were increasing efforts to fight gun violence in areas of New York City, by attempting to get around state bail reform laws that make it more likely for gun suspects to remain free pending trial. “Law-abiding citizens should have no reason to fear going about their daily lives,”acting Brooklyn U.S. attorney Seth DuCharme said. According to New York Police Department data, shootings are up 90 percent in 2020 compared to the same time period in 2019. Via The Washington Post
  • Harold “Heshy” Tischler, a controversial leader of some Orthodox Jews in Borough Park, was released from lockup Monday night and ordered to stay away from the reporter attacked by his supporters at an Oct. 7 demonstration. Tischler was arraigned in Brooklyn Criminal Court for allegedly inciting a riot, and unlawful imprisonment, related to the alleged attack on Jewish Insider reporter Jacob Kornbluh. “Him sitting in prion is a travesty of justice,” his lawyer complained. Via New York Daily News
  • Amy Cooper, who was recorded on a now-viral video calling 911 with the bogus claim that a Black man she encountered in Central Park had threatened her—made a second call alleging that he tried assaulting her, prosecutors said Wednesday. The calls stem from her May 25 exchange with Black birdwatcher Christian Cooper, who started filming Amy after she refused to leash her dog. Amy, who falsely said, “there’s an African American man threatening my life,” is charged with falsely reporting an incident. Via Allegedly  
  • NYPD Chief of Patrol Fausto Pichardo quit Tuesday, allegedly annoyed by Mayor Bill de Blasio meddling in his management, specifically Covid-19 enforcement. Numerous reports said that de Blasio was trying to micromanage his police work. Fausto was the NYPD’s highest-ranking Latino officer. Via CBS New York
  • Bike thefts have skyrocketed in New York City during the coronavirus pandemic, the NYPD said. There were 4,477 bikes reported stolen between March 1 and Sept 21 of this year—marking a 27 percent spike from the same period of 2019. Meanwhile, there were just 204 arrests for bike larceny. Via New York Post
  • Long Island restaurateur Emilio Branchinelli was accused of bullying and beating a gay employee in full view of other staff, allegedly saying “F—king faggot, I’ll murder you!”—and knocking this employee’s tooth out with a punch. The Emilio’s Pizzeria & Ristorante owner allegedly berated the waiter over wearing the wrong shoes to work. After he left and returned with different kicks, Branchinelli allegedly snapped, claiming those were also the wrong shoes, according to a Brooklyn Federal Court suit filed last Friday. Via New York Post
  • Newly emerged bodycam footage shows New York state Supreme Court judge Mark Grisanti shoving a cop in Buffalo; he mentioned his friendship with the mayor and relationship with law enforcement, then managed to avoid arrest. Grisanti was shirtless and allegedly drunk during the June 22 altercation—which started over a parking dispute with his neighbors. Reporter Frank Runyeon obtained the vid using a Freedom of Information Law request. Via Law 360

The Allegedly Original

Goats And The Modern Cop Drama

By Peggy Gavan

On Nov. 20 1897, two young men from the Upper East Side decided to try their luck stealing some produce from the Harlem Market. 

Founded in 1891, the Harlem Market occupied the city block bounded by 102nd and 103rd Streets, First Avenue, and the East River. It was one of the greatest open-air markets of its time, with hundreds of farm wagons arriving each day from Westchester County and Long Island, many via steam ferry from College Point, Queens, to 99th Street or the Public Service Corporation ferry from Edgewater, NJ, to 125th Street. 

As it was a Friday, the men knew the popular market would be packed with wholesale wagons and retail push-carts. They drove up to the market with a light wagon and targeted a vendor. While the produce owners were looking away, the men picked up a crate of onions, a box of oranges, and a basket of string beans. They loaded the produce into their truck and drove away. 

What they didn’t realize: The basket of beans had a hole in it. As their wagon bounced along, beans rolled out of the basket, off the truck, and onto the ground. 

When the produce owners discovered their loss shortly thereafter, they summoned Bicycle Policeman Daniel J. Fogarty of the 28th Police Precinct, then headquartered on East 104th Street. According to The New York Times, several bystanders said they saw two men near the crime scene, but no one could provide a good description of the thieves. So, how was Policeman Fogarty going to find the produce pilferers? 

Perhaps the small procession of goats following a trail of beans on the ground held the answer.

Fogarty followed the goats on his bicycle, which led him to the wagon and the source of the goats’ feast. He arrested the driver, Joseph Abrams, 26, of 305 East 70th Street, and took him back to the market. While the dealers were identifying their stolen produce, another young man began to protest the arrest. The victims identified this man as Abrams’ accomplice, so Fogarty also arrested him.

The two men were taken to Harlem Police Court, where they were held on what was then pretty stiff bail for stealing some onions, oranges, and beans—$200. 

Gotham’s Famed Bicycle Cop

Policeman Daniel J. Fogarty left his job with the post office to join the New York Police Department on October 18, 1895. During the early years of his career, he was stationed at the East 104th Street police station, where he earned a reputation as a real superhero of East Harlem. The New York press loved writing about his courageous adventures, whether he was being dragged along the ground while trying to stop runaway horses, jumping into the ice-cold river to save drowning victims, or pulling children from harm’s way in the nick of time. (Some accounts of his work can be read here and here.)

According to news reports, Fogarty won eight life-saving medals during his 19 years of service, including a gold Congressional medal for saving a man from drowning in the Harlem River. As one of his friends told the press, Fogarty had “enough medals to make the German Emperor look like a bloomin’ civilian.”

Here’s just a brief summary of some of his more daring rescues, all of which could have provided some great action scenes for a police drama: 

  • January 1896Just three months after joining the police department, Fogarty rescued a Roman Catholic priest who had fallen from a pier into the icy Harlem River. Shortly after this incident, he jumped into the East River to save Johnnie Crowe, a little boy who had fallen from his mother’s lap into the East River at the Peck Slip pier. The strong current carried Fogarty and the boy to the Brooklyn Bridge, where a tugboat rescued them.
  • January 1898While cycling down First Avenue late one evening, Fogarty heard cries for help coming from the East River near 98th Street. He blew his whistle for help, charged into the icy drink—striking his leg on a spike—and attempted to rescue William O’Toole, a steamship fireman who had allegedly been drinking at a nearby barroom. Hearing the struggle, two other police officers rushed the No. 19 horse car and grabbed the reins from the driver’s hands. With some help from a few passengers, they were able to cut the reins and use them to pull the men from the river. Asked during a court hearing why he thought it was okay for a valuable policeman to risk his life by rescuing a drunk sailor from the river, Fogarty sarcastically noted that his book of rules wasn’t handy, so he just guessed it was the right thing to do.
  • May 1899Seeing a wild mustang charging up First Avenue, Fogarty gave chase on his bicycle. Cheered on by hundreds of spectators, he gained on the horse and caught a rope attached to its halter. He was forced to drop the rope at 101st Street in order to save a small boy who stood in their path. According to the story, Fogarty leaned over his bike, picked up the boy by his collar, and carried him out of harm’s way. Without missing a beat, he continued chasing the mustang until he caught him again at 106th Street. The horse was taken to the police stables on East 104th Street.

When he wasn’t saving women, children, and inebriated men, Fogarty was busy volunteering as the first drum major and leader of the department’s new Police Band, which he helped organize in 1903. He and his close friend Colonel John Jacob Astor also worked together in forming the Honor Legion of the NYPD, which was composed of officers who rendered distinguished service in time of great danger. Fogarty and Astor also organized and funded the police department’s Widows and Orphans Relief Fund, which to this day provides aid and assistance to widows, widowers, and eligible dependents of police officers who are killed in the line of duty.

One of the ways Fogarty helped raise money for the relief fund was by writing and directing police dramas, which were performed live at theaters for the benefit of the fund. In 1905, when then-Roundsman Fogarty was commanding the NYPD Theater Squad, he wrote an article suggesting a film be made based on the life of Patrolman Hugh J. Enright, a young officer who was killed in March 1904 during a fight with a burglar on East 55th Street. 

Fogarty was immediately approached by Frederick Freeman Proctor, a well-known theatre and vaudeville circuit manager, who offered to help produce a moving picture based on the policeman’s script. According to Anthony Slide, author of “Early American Cinema,” Police Commissioner William McAdoo liked the idea of including the NYPD in movie scripts:

“The picture idea is an admirable one, particularly if the case of Patrolman Enright was enacted, along with the chasing of the thief, the killing of Enright, the wounding of Patrolman [Joseph] Bachman, and, finally, the capture of the thief. I believe also that the scene of a patrolman rescuing a man or woman from drowning would appeal very strongly to the public and show forcibly the courage and the bravery of the men who make up this force.” 

In July 1914, Fogarty—then a Sergeant assigned to the East 51st Street Station—retired due to a heart condition. That year, Vincent Astor, the son of the late John Jacob Astor, presented Fogarty with a $20,000 building on land belonging to the Astor estate at 149th Street and 8th Avenue. Fogarty, his wife, Anna, and son Harry opened the Screen Theater—what was then called a “moving picture theater”—in October 1914.

Fogarty died at his home at 2585 Marion Avenue in the Bronx on August 13, 1921. Today, the land once occupied by the Harlem Market is the site of the East River Houses, a large public housing development completed in 1941. The former 104th Street station is still standing, only now it’s owned by Hope Community, Inc., a non-profit housing organization founded in 1968 to “develop, revitalize and beautify East Harlem.”

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Allegedly Weekly

Donald Trump’s Finances and Police Misconduct

Good morning!

As Donald Trump’s coronavirus diagnosis continues to dominate national headlines, this week’s New York City crime and courts news has largely been led by the President’s many legal woes. More on that in The Allegedly List. For The Allegedly Original, Sean Piccoli looks at Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr.’s handling of high-profile sex crime cases, exploring the complicated interplay of criticism and commendation—and his office’s influence on prosecutors elsewhere in the U.S. 

The Allegedly List

  • The New York State Attorney General’s office questioned Eric Trump under oath Monday, following repeated delays. The deposition, which was carried out remotely, stemmed from the office’s civil investigation of whether the Trump family’s real estate business engaged in fraud. Via The New York Times
  • On Wednesday, the Second U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Manhattan prosecutors could enforce their subpoena of Trump’s tax returns. Trump’s legal team had unsuccessfully tried to thwart this subpoena, claiming unsuccessfully that the request constituted sketchy political maneuvering. Via The Washington Post
  • E. Jean Carroll, who alleged that Trump sexually assaulted her in a Manhattan department store dressing room during the 1990s, fired back against Justice Department efforts to rep the President in her defamation case against him. “Only in a world gone mad could it somehow be presidential, not personal, for Trump to slander a woman who he sexually assaulted,” Roberta Kaplan, who reps Carroll, said in court papers Monday. Via New York Daily News
  • Manhattan Supreme Court Justice Laurence Love ruled Monday that cops can face criminal charges for violating the city’s chokehold ban as the law’s legal validity continues to be litigated in court. The decision stems from a lawsuit filed by 18 police unions in August, claiming New York City’s new chokehold law wasn’t clear enough. Via New York Post
  • Violence erupted in Borough Park this week as some members of the Ultra-Orthodox community protested new coronavirus regulations, with assaults taking place in front of NYPD officers. Longtime Jewish Insider journalist Jacob Kornbluh was assaulted Wednesday during the demonstrations. Via Gothamist
  • Rochester, New York Mayor Lovely Warren pleaded not guilty Monday to charges that she schemed to defraud election law, stemming from a lengthy inquiry into her 2017 re-election campaign. Warren was heavily criticized in September because the city had long stayed silent about Daniel Prude’s death at the hands of cops. Via New York Daily News
  • Baimadajie Angwang, the New York Police Department officer who allegedly spied for China, will remain in lockup pending trial, Brooklyn Federal Judge Eric Komitee decided Wednesday. An ethnic Tibetan, Angwang was recently accused of spying on other ethnic Tibetans in the city; prosecutors claimed that he also offered to give his handler at the Chinese consulate info about the NYPD’s inner workings. Via New York Post
  • NYPD officials said Thursday that anti-police sentiment, and the resulting low morale, is driving officers to retire in droves. While the NYPD remains the largest U.S. police force with 34,488 officers, that number is 7 percent less than last year. Via New York Daily News

The Allegedly Original

What Exactly is Cy Vance’s Legacy on Prosecuting Sex Crimes?

By Sean Piccoli

When federal prosecutors charged a former New York gynecologist last month with sexually abusing his patients, the U.S. Attorney bringing the case issued numerous thank-yous— to the Justice Department lawyers leading the effort, to their investigative partners at the FBI “for their dedication and professionalism,” and to the women who came forward with claims that the doctor, Robert Hadden, assaulted them in his office under the pretense of conducting exams.

“Without them, these charges could not have been brought,”  Acting United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York Attorney Audrey Strauss said at a press conference, calling Hadden “a predator in a white coat” whose victims included underage girls—one of whom he had delivered. “We thank them for their courage and we are proud to stand here today on their behalf in bringing this case.” 

A more muted thanks—“for their cooperation”—went to local prosecutors in the Manhattan District Attorney’s Office. In 2016, Hadden copped to a lesser charge in a plea deal that cost him his medical license but kept him out of prison—an agreement that infuriated some of his victims.  

Strauss didn’t join the criticism of Hadden’s plea deal. But for, the more serious federal case against Hadden rekindled questions about Vance’s handling of high-profile sexual misconduct cases. 

Elected in 2009 as a champion of women’s issues, Vance has also endured periodic criticism that influential white men with well-connected lawyers got deferential treatment in sex crime prosecutions and other cases. Some of these lawyers were Vance campaign donors until he stopped accepting their contributions. 

It was Vance’s office that dropped a sexual assault case against French politician and financier Dominique Strauss-Kahn, tried to cut billionaire socialite and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein a legal break in New York, declined an opportunity to pursue a groping case against movie mogul Harvey Weinstein, and let Hadden avoid jail. 

Taken alone, each case came with complications and rationales for how the office proceeded. Prosecutors feared that Strauss-Kahn’s accuser was lying about key details. The initial Weinstein allegation, based at the time on a single complaint of abuse, was thought to be too weak to take to trial. The D.A. considered some Hadden accusers to be vulnerable to cross-examination. Meanwhile, a more aggressive Hadden prosecution might have been derailed by a mishandling of evidencewhen Hadden’s lawyers discovered that the D.A. had neglected to turn over a nurse’s exculpatory statement disputing one accuser’s account. 

Harder to understand, perhaps, was a Vance deputy going to bat for Epstein in 2011 and asking—unsuccessfully, before an incredulous judge— for Epstein to be given a lower and less punitive sex-offender status in New York after his conviction in Florida for soliciting an underage prostitute. (Epstein, later facing federal charges, committed suicide in a Manhattan jail cell.) Vance later said this happened due to a mistake by a subordinate, based on a misreading of the law. 

Despite the criticism, victims’ advocates have praised Vance’s work as a blueprint for prosecuting hard-to-win cases—like Weinstein’s. After declining to pursue the 2015 allegation, Vance brought a case against Weinstein in 2018 that culminated this year in guilty verdicts for sexual assault and rape. A judge sentenced him to 23 years in prison. 

“I have very high regard for Cy Vance doing what he did and taking the risks that he did,” lawyer Gloria Allred, who represented one of Weinstein’s victims in the New York case, told Allegedly. 

Allred called it “a huge leap of faith” that most prosecutors would not have taken, when Vance and his lead prosecutors in the case, Joan Illuzzi and Meghan Hast, let jurors see a complicated picture of the relationships between Weinstein and his victims. “Juries are not used to being presented with that set of facts,” Allred said. “So it’s even more unpredictable as to what the result would be.”

“Based on my experience. I think his office did a really commendable job, an exceptional job,”  Allred said, calling the case “a groundbreaking teaching moment for other prosecutors around the country.”

It appears that Vance might have provided a road map to Los Angeles County, California, District Attorney Jackie Lacey. Her office filed charges against Weinstein in January, April, and again last week for alleged sexual assaults in 2004-2005 at the Beverly Hills hotel. 

The first woman ever to serve as Los Angeles’s chief prosecutor, Lacey assumed office in 2012, the same year a Justice Department study found that rape victims in Los Angeles struggled to get their claims heard and treated seriously by police and prosecutors. 

“With her being the district attorney I suspect that things have changed,” Cassia Spohn, a study co-author and director of the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Arizona State University, told Allegedly. 

In 2017, in the wake of #MeToo gaining momentum, Lacey’s office established a task force to review old cases in the entertainment industry and bring new ones. After a slow start, the Entertainment Industry Sex Crimes Task Force has charged four people this year: Weinstein, film producuer David Guillod, porn actor Ron Jeremy, and “That ‘70s Show” actor Danny Masterson.  

Allred, who is representing two women in the Los Angeles Weinstein case, said she anticipates that Lacey’s deputies will make every effort to match the work done by Vance’s office. “ I do feel they have been very careful, very sensitive and very diligent in preparing their case,”  Allred said. (A spokesman for the L.A. County District Attorney’s office declined to comment for this article.)

It remains to be seen how much Vance’s high-profile sex crimes prosecutions will impact the race. Nine people have announced plans to run against him in 2021. Six are women, and Manhattan has never had a woman run the D.A.’s office in its 203-year history.

Whether or not political pressure and public censure play a role, Vance’s office in 2020 is making a public pitch for itself as an ally to women affected by sexual violence. Days before the Weinstein verdict, Vance reopened the Hadden case for further review. In May, the office released a report compiling results from one of his most lauded initiatives, the drive to test a backlog of more than 55,000 rape kits using funds seized from banks.

A Vance spokesman, Danny Frost, noted that as far back as 2018 the D.A. launched a task force focusing on sexual violence in the workplace—a unit sometimes referred to as the #MeToo Squad. Frost said the office has conducted a comprehensive internal review of its Sex Crimes Unit, assigned more prosecutors to work directly with police and victim advocates, retrained staff in how to deal with traumatized victims, and lobbied the state to toughen sex crimes statutes. 

Frost also referred to a statement Vance made in September when assault survivors were calling on him to resign: “Our office fights day in and day out for survivors of sex crimes—helping them to obtain justice, vital services, and critical public policy changes—irrespective of the wealth, power, or race of their assailants.”

More, criticism of New York authorities’ handling of sex crimes cases isn’t limited to Vance and other prosecutors. In March 2018, the Department of Investigation slammed the New York Police Department’s special victims unit, saying there were dramatic staffing shortages. These shortfalls, DOI said, impacted the unit’s proper treatment of cases. The department also said that NYPD investigators didn’t do much for acquaintance rape cases compared to those involving strangers. 

With the Weinstein case specifically, one of the six sexual-assault-related counts was dismissed in October 2018 after it was revealed the lead NYPD investigator didn’t disclose alleged discrepancies between one woman’s allegations and a witness. Prosecutors also revealed that this NYPD investigator had told an accuser that she could delete information from her phones before giving them to prosecutors.

One former Manhattan prosecutor told Allegedly that, if anything, Vance could be at risk of trying to do too much to compensate for law enforcement’s historical neglect of rape victims.If his office ramped up prosecution in a way that pursued weak cases for the sake of pursuing more sex crimes cases, it could undermine efforts overall. “I understand the outrage,” said Rebecca Roiphe, a professor at New York Law School. “But also having been a prosecutor myself, I understand why offices find these cases extremely hard to bring.”

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Allegedly Weekly

This Week in Allegedly: COVID-19 and Manhattan’s D.A. Race

Good morning and welcome back!

Given President Donald Trump’s announcement this morning that he and his wife tested positive for COVID-19, we realize that you probably don’t have the time or attention span to read a lengthy recap of the week’s New York City courts and crime news.

And, we wouldn’t want to keep you from Halley Bondy’s extensive rundown of the 2021 Manhattan District Attorney candidates’ plans for addressing police misconduct and disparities in the justice system.

So, here’s a special edition of The Allegedly List, in brief…

  • Seagram’s liquor heiress Clare Bronfman was hit with an 81 month prison sentence in the NXIVM sex cult case (Vulture)
  • New York City courts present a huge COVID risk (New York Daily News)
  • The New York state court system cut 46 judges to trim the budget (Queens Daily Eagle)

The Allegedly Original

By Halley Bondy

What the Manhattan D.A. Candidates Have To Say About Police Misconduct

Protests spurred by the killings of George Floyd in Minneapolis and Breonna Taylor in Louisville renewed the national conversation on racism in policing and more broadly, disparities in the U.S. justice system.  

Many believe that the 2021 Manhattan District Attorney race is an opportunity to address these issues in New York City. Nine progressive candidates have thrown their hat into the ring. They all said they want to increase police oversight and address racial disparities in the criminal justice system. However, they offer varying ideas on how to get there.

Allegedly asked eight candidates two questions on these issues. The questions are:

1. What will your office do to proactively address police misconduct?  Please provide concrete examples.

2. Persons of color and economically disadvantaged persons are still overwhelmingly the targets of low-level prosecutions, how will you change that? Please provide concrete examples.

We gave each candidate five minutes to answer each question. Candidate Tahanie Aboushi did not participate despite many attempts to interview her.

Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus R. Vance, Jr. has not said whether he’s running, telling Allegedly: “I will make that decision at the soonest possible time where I think it’s the right time.” However, Vance answered the same questions as these announced candidates, under the same time guidelines. 

Below are the candidates’ answers, in alphabetical order by name. Vance’s responses are below the candidates’ answers. Because he has been in office, Vance’s answers are in the past tense. 

Alvin Bragg

Plans for change:

  • A holistic hiring model within the D.A.’s office
  • A widely available “do-not-call list” that tracks officers who cannot be relied on so that they cannot be called to the stand by prosecutors
  • Advocating for police force to be used as a last resort
  • Advocating for a smaller police presence in general
  • Not prosecuting smaller-level offenses like trespassing, larceny under $250, standalone resisting arrest, or cases where mental health is an obvious contributor

“Having lived as a Black boy first in Manhattan and now as a Black man in Manhattan…I think back on one incident, during a warrant squad arrest. Officers came to my door at 5 a.m., looking for a loved one who lived with me, for an open bottle offense. I think back to that occasion and wonder: Why are we using resources for this? There are issues that are a threat to our safety like gun trafficking that I would want to prioritize.” 

Elizabeth Crotty

Plans for change: 

  • Continuing bail reform
  • Expanding the D.A.’s corruption bureau
  • Transforming the D.A.’s office into a safe harbor for police officers to report misconduct
  • Advocating for ongoing implicit bias training for police officers
  • Not prosecuting many disorderly conduct, obstructing governmental administration, and resisting arrest offenses

“I was [with the] D.A. from 2000 to 2006,  and I started my own criminal defense firm 12 years ago. I’ve been representing people for 12 years. When I represent people and I see that someone is being charged with obstructing governmental administration and resisting arrest, that is always code to me that they aggravated a police officer. The D.A. has to be open to dismissing those cases outright rather than, say, giving one day of community service. Sometimes, an arrest is really not appropriate.”                

Tali Farhadian Weinstein

Plans for change: 

  • Investigating police misconduct and officers who lie under oath or make false statements
  • Regularly assessing police officer credibility and disclosing results.
  • Engaging with victims of police misconduct
  • Using hard data to pinpoint where discrimination is happening and making reforms

“I’ve been a prosecutor for a long time, and I was trained that nobody is above the law no matter who they are or what uniform they are wearing… As I’ve always done, I would have my team follow the facts wherever they may lead, to investigate and prosecute misconduct when it happens. In Brooklyn, I helped design and supervise the Law Enforcement Accountability Bureau, which is a dedicated bureau for investigating and prosecuting police officers… First, you find the data, and then you react. “

Diana Florence

Plans for change: 

  • Proactively investigating the worst police misconduct offenders
  • Creating a database of officers who lie under oath
  • Making these databases accessible to public defenders
  • Not prosecuting low-level crimes that are a result of police escalation
  • Working with community organizations to find solutions for drug addiction other than arrest

“It’s absolutely the case that there have been two systems of justice. There’s a concierge system of justice that has existed especially in the last decade in Cy Vance’s office—I know that because I worked there, and I saw how the powerful got a different level of access and ability to get better outcomes to their cases. We need to attack that…We’re disproportionately affecting black and brown communities and over-policing them for low level crimes.”

Lucy Lang

Plans for change:

  • Monitoring police actions and intervening when there’s a risk for misconduct
  • Making the D.A.’s office a safe place for employees to report misconduct
  • Maintaining a database of offending officers and making it available to the defense and the public 
  • Advocating to decriminalize crimes of homelessness, poverty, and substance use 
  • Removing non-credible officers where possible from communities
  • Forging initiatives to utilize community members instead of law enforcement where possible to respond to and interrupt violence
  • Examining discrimination in high-level arrests as well as low-level arrests
  • Ensuring no lawyer or person has preferential access to the D.A. than any other

“I’ve had the incredible privilege over the past two years at John Jay, where I’ve been at the Institute for Innovation in Prosecution, working collaboratively with families who have lost families to police violence, police chiefs, and prosecutors from across the country to create a set of protocols and best practices for addressing instances of police violence. The experiences of those families have really highlighted for me the absolute imperative to prioritize clear communication and transparency around issues of police misconduct and violence.”

Janos Marton

Plans for change:

  • Pledging to reduce Manhattan’s jail population by 80 percent
  • Ending war on drugs
  • Abolishing the Office of the Special Narcotics Prosecutor
  • Not prosecuting any drug possession case
  • Establishing an independent unit, outside of the Civilian Complaint Review Board, to monitor police misconduct and lying on the stand
  • Ensuring police misconduct records transparency
  • Eliminating cash bail
  • Advocating for a requirement that police officers live in the city
  • Advocating that police misconduct determinations should not be left to the police commissioner

“As someone who grew up as a young man of color in Giuliani’s New York, I’ve been stopped and frisked, arrested and jailed…I was brought onto the Civilian Complaint Review Board six years ago. We tried to reform the CCRB to make police increase police accountability there. We hit a blue wall. There is too much political power invested in the NYPD because they have a hold over the budget, and people don’t understand the extent of misconduct…I am specifically running so that the public can have taxpayer-funded records.” 

Eliza Orlins

Plans for change:

  • Banning the acceptance of donations from all law-enforcement, including police unions
  • Disentangling the relationship between the police and the D.A.’s office
  • Preventing cases from being charged or prosecuted based on testimony from non-credible officers
  • Putting officers with a history of misconduct on a “do not call” list
  • Establishing an independent bureau for investigating and prosecuting police misconduct
  • Ensuring those tasked with prosecuting police officers are unbiased
  • Reviewing any pending or closed cases involving officers who have been found to have committed perjury in the past
  • Declining to prosecute cases including low level drug possession, sex work, and “crimes of poverty” like jumping a turnstile, sleeping on park benches, or occupying multiple seats on the subway, etc.
  • Ending cash bail

“For years, Manhattan D.A. Cy Vance has allowed the police to operate with impunity by refusing to hold them accountable for their actions…For the past 10 years, I have been working as a public defender. I’ve stood side by side representing more than 3,000 people, fighting for the human beings charged with crimes in this city who could not afford to hire an attorney. And I have seen time and time again, people of color and folks from low income communities be targeted… It is not fair. And it is not humane.”

Dan Quart

Plans for Change:

  • Publicly disclosing the names of officers who are not trustworthy
  • Advocating to empower the CCRB in New York City as an independent agent from the NYPD with substantial authority
  • Revamping the Early Case Assessment Bureau to have a better information vetting process when officers report an arrest
  • Declining to prosecute crimes like fare evasion, many drug possession charges, loitering, sex work, trespassing and more

“We have a D.A. in Manhattan who practices restraint when it pertains to the wealthy and well-connected, but uses incarceration as a first—not a last resort when it comes to Black, Brown and poor New Yorkers. As a criminal defense attorney, I’ve represented so many people who should have not been in criminal court in the first place… Prosecutors are part of the problem in their failure to prosecute police officers who use violence or excessive force against members of the public… My office will not be deferential to police unions or individual police officers who engage in violent or excessive force.”

Cyrus R. Vance, Jr.

Reforms

  • Decreased the office’s prosecutions by more than 50 percent
  • Ended routine prosecution of marijuana smoking and possession, subway fare evasion, unlicensed vending, nonpayment of fines, loitering for prostitution, and summons cases
  • Launched Project Reset, Project Green Light, and Manhattan Hope to provide free service interventions instead of prosecutions
  • Established first Conviction Integrity Program and first implicit bias review initiatives on East Coast
  • Started first Alternatives to Incarceration Court and hired first immigration-consequences counsel in New York
  • Funded the first statewide college-in-prison program and citywide supervised release program
  • Proactively dismissed 3,000 open marijuana bench warrants and 240,000 summons cases
  • Initiated class action that sealed hundreds of old marijuana convictions

“Our office has been already very proactive in addressing police misconduct in a variety of areas. Our prosecutions of police officers have ranged in instances from police officers committing physical assault, including rape, against individuals, and dealing drugs, and creating and fabricating circumstances to justify street stops or car stops.This is a part of the job that we have done for the time I’ve been in office. As I’ve said, we’ve done it dozens of times. I take no pleasure in it, but it has to be done.”

Victoria Bekiempis contributed reporting. 

Editor’s note: We fixed the spelling of Tahanie Aboushi’s last name. It didn’t have a “t.” Apologies!

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Allegedly Weekly

This Week in Allegedly: Robert Hadden, Kevin Spacey, and Goats

Hi,

This week’s top New York City courts and crime news involves allegations of sexual assault, including a new criminal case against Robert Hadden. More info in The Allegedly List. In The Allegedly Original, Peggy Gavan’s look at historic anti-goat policing sheds light on present-day disparities in the criminal justice system. As always, don’t forget to subscribe!

The Allegedly List

  • Robert Hadden, the former Columbia University gynecologist accused of sexually assaulting numerous patients, was arrested Wednesday on federal charges. Hadden “enticed and induced dozens of victims, including minors, to travel to his medical offices in New York, New York, at least in part for the purpose of subjecting them to unlawful sexual abuse,” the Manhattan U.S. Attorney’s Office said. In 2016, Hadden got probation in his state sexual abuse case under a plea deal, spurring extensive criticism of Manhattan District Attorney Cy Vance. Via Southern District of New York
  • The Department of Justice wants to swap its lawyers for Donald Trump’s private legal team in advice columnist E. Jean Carroll’s defamation case against him. Department officials claimed in Manhattan court papers Tuesday that Trump acted “within the scope” of official presidential duties in claiming that Carroll lied when she said he raped her more than two decades ago. “Just when @realDonaldTrump is required to produce documents and DNA in discovery, he sics the DOJ on us,” Carroll said Tuesday on Twitter, also writing “THIS IS UNPRECEDENTED!!” Via New York Daily News
  • Kevin Spacey was accused in a new lawsuit of sexually abusing two 14-year-old boys on separate occasions in the 1980s: actor Anthony Rapp and a man referred to as C.D. in court papers. The suit, filed in Manhattan Supreme Court on Wednesday, also alleged that Spacey tried to force sex on C.D. Spacey, whose reps couldn’t be reached for comment, previously denied Rapp’s allegations. Via Vulture
  • A Manhattan federal court judge decided that lawyers repping the families of 9/11 victims can question two dozen members of Saudi Arabia’s government about whether the country had a role in these attacks. For years, these families have fought to investigate Saudi Arabia on whether the Kingdon helped Al Qaeda, slamming the U.S. government for a “massive coverup.” Brett Eagleson, whose father was killed on 9/11, reportedly said of the decision, which was disclosed Thursday: “This ruling basically allows us to depose key members of the Saudi royal family.” Via New York Daily News
  • On Tuesday, Rochester’s police chief, La’Ron D. Singletary, and several high-ranking department officials, resigned or were demoted in the wake of Daniel Prude’s death. Three days prior, state Attorney General Letitia James announced that she was impaneling a grand jury to probe the incident. Prude died in March after police put a “spit hood” on him while holding him against the ground, but details were not released until last week, spurring allegations of a cover-up. Via New York Times
  • Jeffrey Lichtman, the lawyer who repped Mexican drug lord El Chapo and Gambino mobster John Gotti Jr., will defend the 15-year-old, who is facing a life behind bars in the December 2019 killing of Barnard College student Tessa Majors. The teen, Rashaun Weaver, is charged with second-degree murder and other related counts for his alleged role in Majors’ murder. Lichtman said he decided to defend him pro bono, after he learned that Weaver was the same age as his twin sons, it was revealed Tuesday. Via New York Daily News
  • Five security officers at Brooklyn Federal Court contracted coronavirus, prompting officials to shutter the courthouse until at least Monday, as they continued tracing this outbreak, it was revealed this week. It’s unclear whether others who work at the courthouse—such as prosecutors, judges, and defense lawyers—have fallen ill, though there does not appear to be indication thus far that any have contracted COVID-19.  Via New York Daily News

The Allegedly Original

When The Goats of Gotham Got Residents’ Goats

By Peggy Gavan

During the 19th Century, the Upper West Side from about 59th Street to Harlem was often referred to as Goat Town or Goatville. Before the extension of elevated railroads prompted new housing construction above Central Park, thousands of goats lived among the hills and large rocky outcrops that once dominated the area. Carmansville, a village situated on the Upper West Side, even had its own squad of policemen dedicated to catching goats called the Nanny Squad. Goat towns could also be found among the rocky hills on the Upper East Side from Lenox Hill to East Harlem.  

In the late 1800s, many city goats received bad publicity for committing criminal trespass and petty larceny. Although the goats’ actions made the news headlines, these stories also had a human element that spoke to residents’ suffering. Many immigrant residents derived their livelihood from selling goat meat and milk; they also depended on the goats for food. They could not afford to pay court fines levied on them, and they also lost their source of income and sustenance when the goats were carted off to the pound. The conflict over these goats touches on policing controversies that continue to this day: Impoverished New Yorkers bore the brunt of enforcement. More, reactions to these purported nuisance animals showed the power of NIMBYism—and its relationship to even early iterations of community policing. 

One short story published in The New York Times provides a glimpse of the tumultuous relationship between the goat-owning residents and the police. On July 30 1880, a squad of police officers in plain clothes descended on the hills in the sparsely-settled neighborhood around East 70th Street. There, they captured as many goats as they could fill in their two-horse truck. 

According to the newspaper, a large crowd of goat-owning residents and their sympathizers, “who were loud in their denunciations of these ‘oppressors of the poor,’” harassed and yelled at the officers as they gathered the goats. Some of the women were reportedly very loud in allegedly making threats, “but a show of force on the part of Police soon quieted them.” One woman reportedly shouted: “These police is all American, with their hundred dollars a month and their peccadilly collars and white neckties, chasin’ ‘goats.’” 

The police officers captured 22 goats on that hot summer day, which was about 15 more than the truck could humanely handle. The Times reporter noted that as the goats trampled each other and stood on their hind legs for want of room, none of the protesting residents seemed to pay any mind to their suffering. He believed that the squatters were not protesting because they cared for the goats, but because they depended on them for their survival.  

In December 1884, some well-to-do residents of Yorkville and East Harlem came together to form the Anti-Goat Protective Association. According to the Buffalo Evening News, the mission of the association, led by attorney Robert W. Todd of 30 East 70th Street, was to help the police eradicate the neighborhood of goats. The association claimed goats had long fed freely on ladies’ skirts and underwear hanging from clotheslines, or had jumped through open windows to feast on indoor plants, paintings, and other valuables. 

According to the upstate newspaper, the group filed a complaint with Police Commissioner Stephen B. French “setting forth the existing state of affairs and begging that the police reserves or the militia be called out to make war with the animals.” The police department agreed the goats were a nuisance and should be removed. But, as the news reporter noted, giving the order was much easier than executing it. In this war on goats, it was the NYPD versus the goats and the immigrant residents.

“The squatters in the shanties on the rocks say they cannot afford to buy hoop skirts and flannel underwear for their animals and declare it will ruin them to provide food,” the newspaper said. “They will defy the law and trust to the agility and butting power of the goats to escape. If the police order that the goats must go, let them carry out the order if they can.”

For the police, rounding up goats was no simple feat. The reporter offered the following comical imagery to paint a picture in the readers’ eyes:

“The average goat, they say, is as elusive as a nickel which has slipped between the torn lining of last year’s overcoat and as hard to catch as a Brooklyn street car. [The police] do not relish skipping over the rocks in pursuit of such agile offenders, and even granting that they can catch a goat, what in the name of justice, they ask, are they to do with it? The law forbids killing it, Henry Bergh says it shall not be clubbed, and there is no cell in the station-houses for it. To take it to the pound sounds easy, but experience has demonstrated that it requires the united energies of four dignified policemen to drag one goat three blocks.”

At an informal Anti-Goat meeting that took place at Todd’s “brownstone palace” on East 70th Street, he pointed out a broken stone balustrade under a front window and some ruined paintings on his parlor walls. He explained that the goats’ voracious appetites “had swollen his dry goods bills to enormous proportions.” The news reporter selected a colorful moment to record for all posterity:

“‘Do you know,’ said he, with an angry quiver in his voice, ‘every week these goats break in to my back yard and carry out the finest pairs of my daughter’s—’

‘Papa,’ screamed the young lady, ‘don’t you dare tell—’

‘I don’t care,’ doggedly insisted the old man, ‘you know they ruined at least a dozen pairs of your—’

‘Papa!’

‘Silk stockings,’ went on the angry father, ‘and I mean to get even with them some way, if I have to mount a howitzer on the kitchen steps.’”

That evening, each member of the association agreed to rush to the aid of every policeman struggling to capture an elusive buck or doe in the neighborhood. 

There is no further record of the Anti-Goat Protective Association. By the end of the 19th Century, when all the rocky hills had been leveled and the shanties had all been replaced by luxury apartment houses, the Goat Towns of Manhattan were a matter of history.  

Like today, crackdowns boosted by wealthy residents and what appeared to be an early form of gentrification went hand in hand, changing a neighborhood in a way that made it harder for residents of fewer means to live.

A note for readers: Thank you for reading this week’s edition! We will not be publishing during the High Holy Days, but look forward to seeing you back very soon!

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Allegedly Weekly

This Week in Allegedly: Deadly Force, Donald Trump, and Steve Bannon

Hello!

New York’s top crime and courts news this week included a police-involved death in Rochester and shocking shooting stats across the five boroughs. More details in The Allegedly List. For The Allegedly Original, Brittany Gibson examines the state of NYPD precinct community councils—and whether they have any place amid today’s push for police reform. If you like this week’s edition, don’t forget to subscribe!  

The Allegedly List

  • Daniel T. Prude, a 41-year-old Black man, died of asphyxiation March 30 after Rochester police officers put a “spit hood” over his face while restraining him, it was revealed Wednesday. Video shows that a minimum of three cops held Prude “prone and forcing his head and chest into the pavement for several minutes until, apparently unnoticed by the officers, he stops breathing.” New York State Attorney General Letitia James is investigating Prude’s death, which has been ruled a homicide from “complications of asphyxia in the setting of physical restraint.” Via The Democrat and ChronicleThe New York Times 
  • Donald Trump has threatened to defund New York City and other “anarchist jurisdictions,” prompting a warning from James’s office: “prepare for legal action.” “Sowing anger and dividing Americans are the last thing we need, and if the president actually decides to move forward with his threat to defund New York City, we will be ready to take immediate legal action,” James said in a press release Thursday, adding, “Time after time, we have beat the president in court and we have no doubt we will beat him again, if necessary.” Via New York Attorney General’s Office
  • Trump scored a court victory on Tuesday—the Second Circuit Court of Appeals barred the immediate release of his tax and financial records to New York prosecutors. The Manhattan District Attorney’s Office, which is probing hush-money payoffs before the 2016 election to two women claiming to have had affairs with Trump, has been seeking these records. The U.S. Supreme Court in July rejected Trump’s claim that he was immune to these kinds of investigations as president. Via The Washington Post 
  • The “Electric Avenue” singer-songwriter, Eddy Grant, alleged in a Manhattan Federal Court lawsuit Tuesday that Trump committed copyright infringement by playing the song in a Twitter video. Grant said in his suit that he will keep suffering if this video—which slams Trump opponent Joe Biden—keeps circulating across the Internet. Grant wants damages that would be determined at trial. Via New York Post
  • The fraud trial for former Trump campaign manager Steve Bannon was scheduled for May 24, 2021. Manhattan Federal Court Judge Analisa Torres, who’s overseeing the case, recognized that COVID-19 could still delay things, saying Monday that “there are only a few courtrooms that are outfitted” for pandemic-era trials. Bannon is accused of siphoning money from We Build The Wall, an online fundraiser for Trump’s controversial border wall.  Via Guardian US
  • Remember how Steve Bannon was arrested on an 150-foot yacht off the Connecticut coast? Well, the dissident Chinese billionaire who owns said yacht claimed that a supporter of China’s communist party was using “high-powered surveillance equipment” to track him, according to a report Wednesday. The suit also claims that the alleged stalker rented a boat and followed him to Rhode Island. Via New York Post
  • There were 242 shootings in New York City this August compared to 91 the same month of 2019—an 166 percent increase. Murders numbered 291 for the first eight months of 2020 compared to 217 over this same period last year, a 34 percent increase. Rape, which is notoriously under-reported, declined by 22 percent in August 2020, with 126 reported incidents compared to 162 at the same time of 2019. Via New York Police Department.
  • On Tuesday, Bronx District Attorney Darcel Clark recommended the dismissal of hundreds of summonses issued for alleged curfew violations during the George Floyd protests. While Clark doesn’t pursue criminal court summonses, she intends on filing a motion requesting that the court dismiss these notices against more than 300 demonstrators. “I believe in and encourage our Bronx residents to raise their voices to protest social and racial injustice in a peaceful way,” she said in a statement. Via New York Post

The Allegedly Original

Does New York City Still Need NYPD Precinct Community Councils?

By Brittany Gibson

In 1943, New York City launched NYPD precinct community councils. To this day, members of these volunteer-run groups meet with community affairs officers at their respective neighborhoods’ precinct station house, or spaces such as churches or schools, and voice their concerns over everything from ATM skimming to unruly e-bikes. Snacks are often served. 

“The mission of the Community Council is to establish and maintain working partnerships between the New York City Police Department and community members; to improve public safety, quality of life and police-community relations throughout New York City,” an NYPD document says. “These working partnerships enable the Department in its crime-fighting strategy, build mutual trust and empower community members as stakeholders.” 

Recent protests following the death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police have dramatically rekindled the debate over how cops interact with their community, however.  Precinct councils can be considered an early example of community policing, but calls to defund the NYPD—and in doing so, shift many traditional department duties to non-law enforcement entities like social workers—have prompted some to question community involvement with policing outright.  

While some New Yorkers continue to support precinct community councils, others think they’re an outmoded concept, given their inextricable connection to a police department they believe is systematically flawed. The NYPD did not provide comment for this story.

“I think they have the ability to reach people. I’m sure each council is different in some aspects, but I think they have the ability to be the go-betweens, the liaisons between the police department and the community,” said Dr. Alfred C. Titus, a retired homicide detective and current professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. “A lot of times people don’t want to get involved with the police not just because of lack of trust, but also out of safety reasons. It’s frowned upon in a lot of communities to communicate with the police.”

Titus recalled one instance in his 23-year career where a police community council leader was able to help his team progress in investigating a homicide on the Lower East Side, by connecting investigators with a witness who was afraid to come forward.

Although it’s in the police community council’s mission to help officers develop a “crime-fighting strategy,” most New Yorkers will be more familiar with their community-building events like the National Night Out Block parties that happen every August (with the exception of this year because of COVID-19).

These block parties happen across the city and attract thousands of people with food stands from local businesses, live music performances, and speeches from NYPD leaders, as well as opportunities to talk with the community officers.

President of the 104th Precinct Community Council Len Santoro said this event is a way for residents and their kids to meet police officers in a “positive way.”

Some people may see this direct engagement as an advantage. Santoro, who’s been president of his council for two years, said: “when people find out they can speak directly to a commanding officer, they’re excited to go to a meeting.” 

Others, however, see police presence at every meeting as a reason not to participate.

“It’s a waste of time because they’re inviting you to come and have a conversation with someone where there’s not an equal distribution of power,” said Monifa Bandele, a member of the leadership table for the Movement for Black Lives and the steering committee for police reform in New York City.

Bandele has been part of a five-year effort to repeal the police secrecy law, 50-A, which prevented police personal records from being made public. Implemented more than 40 years ago, 50-A was overturned this June.

“That would work if police were in any way, shape or form accountable and transparent. You can’t talk about partnerships with an agency that has no accountability, not just to our community but not even to the mayor,” she added. “How am I supposed to go and build a partnership with someone when I have no idea what their discipline records are? If they’re abusive? It’s a lopsided relationship. [Playing] basketball is not going to build trust.”

The City’s history of stop-and-frisk policing, which disproportionately targeted Black and Latino men, and track record of spotty discipline for police officers accused of misconduct, as well as Trump-era use of cops and courts to pursue undocumented immigrants, are just the most recent examples of potentially unbridgeable divides between the police and the communities they’re meant to serve.

The recent surge of grassroots organizing around the Back Lives Matter movement has proposed many different ways to reform policing, including removing police officers from schools and diverting money from its $8 billion budget to other city services and departments. Part of this strategy focuses on using other services to respond to calls currently going to the police department.

But at least one police community council president can’t see the merit in these efforts because of the property damage that’s happened in some protests.

“I don’t see the rioters as possible members [of the community councils],” said Gabriel de Jesus, president of the 40th precinct community council, currently in his 19th year working with the council. “Not once have they been productive members of the Community.”

De Jesus said the biggest problem in his community is rampant drug use and how it affects the safety of residents and their children. In one community council-organized park clean up, his team collected more than 5,000 used needles. He doesn’t believe it’s possible to have social workers or addiction experts respond to the volume of drug problems in his neighborhood.

“What’s the point when the individuals become violent?” he said, of responding to drug use in the community with experts other than police officers. “It’s not an NYPD issue, but there’s no way to help these individuals in a cohesive way.”

However this is what organizers like Bandele want to change. She described the last community council event she attended in Brownsville in 2019 as “frustrating” because the police were always centered in how to respond to complaints.

The divide in participation in police community councils is also generational, according to Titus. He found that younger people would be less likely to want to participate in a police community council meeting or interact with all enforcement at all, instead building community with new grassroots organizing efforts like BLM. But he believes that the volunteer-run police community councils could be a tool to change this dynamic.

Community council block parties and officers taking the time to play basketball or football in the neighborhood are, in Titus’s view, an “important step” to better policing, bringing together local business leaders, clergy, and the mothers of a community. But not everyone is convinced that this will work today.

“It’s a P.R. campaign. We do not need police officers playing basketball with kids,” Bandele said. “There are a lot less expensive ways to do sports and barbecues.”

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Allegedly Weekly

This Week in Allegedly: Gun Violence and Wrongful Conviction

Hello.

Gun violence and police misconduct topped New York City’s crime and courts news this week, with reports on the dramatic uptick in shootings and law enforcement’s response. We’ll have more on that in The Allegedly List. For The Allegedly Original, Sean Piccoli revisited a wrongful conviction claim involving ex-NYPD Detective Louis Scarcella—which has been complicated by a former judge’s Alzheimer’s diagnosis.

The Allegedly List

  • New York City shootings have surged more than 150 percent from mid-July to mid-August in comparison to the same period of 2019. There have been about 900 shootings thus far in 2020, whereas there were about 500 during this same time in 2019. Meanwhile, gun arrests are down. Via The Washington Post 
  • During the COVID-19 pandemic, people accused of illegal gun possession in New York City have been released at “more than double the rate” compared to this same period last year. Between March 16 to Aug. 17, 47 percent of people implicated in alleged illegal gun possession were freed without a judge imposing bail, or 442 accused people out of 945. In this same portion of 2019, just 22 percent of illegal gun possession defendants were released without bail.  Via New York Daily News.
  • NYPD response times have increased this summer; in June 2019, cops took 8 minutes and 31 seconds to arrive at a reported crime in progress whereas this June, they took 12 minutes and 17 seconds. In July 2020, the response time was 9 minutes and 41 seconds, compared to 8 minutes and 29 seconds the prior year. Earlier in August, the response time was 9 minutes and 47 seconds,  compared to 8 minutes and 35 seconds the same month of 2019.  Via NY1
  • NYPD officials are ramping up weekend controls in an attempt to quell the uptick in violent crime. All uniformed cops below captain who don’t work weekends will be impacted by this new mandate; two-thirds of them will be rescheduled to work weekend shifts, and will get days off during the week instead. The initiative starts August 31.  Via The Wall Street Journal
  • A confidential police informant claimed in a Brooklyn Federal Court lawsuit  that she was sexually assaulted by the NYPD detective she provided info to. The woman alleged that this detective threatened her by saying, “How would you like it if I told the people that you gave me, that it was you that gave them up?” The woman also alleged that the detective pocketed some of the cash he gave her out of a fund for anonymous crime tips.   Via New York Daily News
  • A former Metropolitan Correctional Center correction officer—who admitted in March to sexually abusing seven female inmates—was sued by three accusers. The Manhattan Federal Court lawsuit alleged that Bureau of Prisons staff didn’t act on Colin Akparanta despite obvious warning signs, such as escorting females to the showers. The suit contends that Akparanta abused at least 11 other women.  Via New York Daily News
  • The City Council is weighing a change to part of the anti-chokehold law signed by Mayor Bill de Blasio in July, following criticism from NYPD brass and unions that the legislation made cops’ jobs more dangerous. News of this revision comes amid suspicions of an unofficial police slowdown, as arrests have dropped by almost 50 percent. De Blasio, who has denied that an NYPD slowdown was taking place, said he supported the revision. Via New York Post
  • Eric Trump refused to answer questions in state Attorney General Letitia James’ probe of the Trump Organization’s financials, her office said. James’ office has been investigating the president and his business since 2019, after Michael Cohen told Congress that Donald Trump gave lenders and insurers an inflated value of his assets. James asked a judge to “compel Eric Trump’s testimony.”  Via New York Post
  • People accused of low-level offenses in New York City, such as jumping turnstiles and urinating in public, must appear in court starting Sept 8. The same day, bench trials will resume in Manhattan and Queens Housing Courts. Bronx Housing Court bench trials will start again on Sept. 15. Via New York Daily News

The Allegedly Original

Nelson Cruz, Louis Scarcella, and Another Plea for Innocence

By Sean Piccoli

In a period of reckoning for the past sins of New York City’s criminal justice system, with dozens of people who were wrongfully convicted going free after decades in prison, one verdict hasn’t budged: Nelson Cruz is as guilty today as he was at age 17, when a jury convicted him of second-degree murder.

Jurors in 1999 found that Cruz had shot a man named Trevor Vieira on a street corner in East New York. Prosecutors said the March 1998 killing followed an argument backed by guns: an associate of Vieira’s pulled a pistol on Cruz and called him a snitch; Cruz later confronted Vieira and shot him twice in the back.

A judge sentenced the teen-aged Cruz to a minimum of 25 years in prison. Now 39, he has spent more than half his life behind bars. Cruz appealed his conviction, first on technicalities, and then on a claim that he is innocent and was framed by a corrupt police detective. His appeals, spanning two decades, have all been rejected. Cruz is not eligible for parole until April of 2023.

“He’s still sitting in prison and he can’t get justice,” Derrick Hamilton, a friend of Cruz’s and a paralegal working on his appeals, said in an interview.  

But a new twist in the case has materialized that could provide Cruz with another opening—or another opportunity to have his hopes crushed.

State officials revealed this month that the judge who presided over Cruz’s last hearing, ShawnDya L. Simpson, is suffering from early-onset Alzheimer’s disease and is retiring from the bench. Simpson, 54, disclosed her diagnosis to a judicial ethics panel that was investigating her for complaints of “erratic” behavior at work, officials said. Investigators learned that as of February, the disease had progressed to “an advanced stage uncommon for someone of her age,” said a report by the state’s Commission on Judicial Conduct.

The commission did not address whether Simpson’s condition raised doubts about any of her rulings—those questions are left to the courts. But for Cruz’s legal team, the news confirmed their belief that something had gone inexplicably wrong, and that Simpson had made glaring errors last year when she rejected Cruz’s bid for a new trial.

Within days of sending Cruz back to prison, Simpson went on medical leave and never returned to work.

Cruz’s case is familiar to a lot of New Yorkers because it involves a once-celebrated homicide detective named Louis Scarcella, who repeatedly wound up in Simpson’s courtroom to face accusations that he had fabricated witnesses and confessions.

Scarcella retired in 1999 with a stack of commendations and barely a blot on his record as a closer—touted as a prolific solver of hard-to-crack cases in the city’s most violent years. Scarcella also investigated Cruz in the slaying of Vieira.

But Scarcella’s methods came under scrutiny in the early 2010s, as journalists, then judges, defense lawyers and even prosecutors re-examined his work. Scarcella was found to have coached and bullied witnesses, or simply made them up: One person—a drug-addicted prostitute—was put forward by Scarcella as a witness in six of his cases. (“She was a very intelligent girl,” Scarcella explained in court.)

Some homicide suspects interrogated by Scarcella were later found to have used nearly identical language in their written confessions. Scarcella denied writing the documents himself or extracting false confessions from anyone, court proceedings and filings revealed.

As of today, 15 people convicted of murder or other charges with Scarcella’s input have gone free, according to the National Registry of Exonerations, a database that tracks overturned verdicts from 1989 to the present. The city has paid out millions in settlements to Scarcella’s accusers. As many as 70 cases tied to Scarcella have been revisited by a Conviction Review Unit, which the Brooklyn District Attorney formed in 2014 partly because of fallout from Scarcella.

The internal review is not finished and is not limited to Scarcella, a Brooklyn D.A. spokesman said this month.

Simpson, for her part, overturned two murder convictions that she found were tainted by Scarcella’s “malfeasance.”

When Cruz got his turn before Simpson, his lawyer put Scarcella on the stand, and said that he had framed Cruz just as he had other suspects—by manufacturing evidence and testimony, and by tricking him into a false confession. Scarcella—as he had done before—defended his work but said he couldn’t remember the details.

On two occasions, in 2017 and 2019, Simpson ruled that Cruz had not proved his case. At Cruz’s last hearing, in August of 2019, family members wept in court when the judge returned him to a state penitentiary.

This month, the case was reassigned to another judge in Brooklyn.

Cruz’s lawyer, Justin Bonus, also filed a motion in federal court seeking Cruz’s immediate release from prison. Bonus argued that Simpson, suffering from dementia, was not mentally competent to handle Cruz’s case or hear the 18 witnesses that were called to testify in the matter over a six-week period. Bonus offered the last hearing in August of 2019 as proof: The judge contradicted herself, misstated facts and could not remember things already said in court, according to the motion.

In an interview, Bonus said he doesn’t know how long Cruz will have to wait for a federal judge to decide whether to intervene. A lawyer who represented Simpson before the judicial commission, Deborah A. Scalise, declined through her office to comment.

The Brooklyn D.A. has never classified Cruz as one of the wrongly convicted, and has so far opposed efforts to release or retry him. But whatever the facts of his case, the timing may never be better. A resurgent Black Lives Matter movement has put U.S. law enforcement under intense pressure to justify itself and its practices. 

The Brooklyn D.A.’s office, scrutinizing itself, released a report in July on wrongful convictions. Police as well as prosecutors often made “serious errors” and committed outright misconduct including witness tampering and withholding of evidence, the report found.

Legal observers say Scarcella is unlikely to ever face criminal charges because his actions are far enough in the past to fall outside the statute of limitations. Trailed by headlines calling him “discredited” and “disgraced,” he may instead live out his days as a symbol of law enforcement abuses.

“One of the true things that he says—probably the only true thing that he says—is that he has been singled out to carry the entire weight of police and prosecutorial misconduct spanning two decades,” said Ron Kuby, a defense lawyer who has won freedom for three men that Scarcella pinned false murder raps on.

Scarcella’s lawyers, Joel Cohen and Alan Abramson, declined to comment for this story.

Hamilton, the paralegal working with Cruz, is another man who was convicted of a murder he didn’t commit based largely on the say-so of a single witness that Scarcella produced. Imprisoned for two decades, Hamilton also taught himself enough law while behind bars to win his release, clear his name and force the city to settle with him.

He and Cruz met in prison, where they and other inmates discovered they had Scarcella in common, and collaborated on each other’s appeals using the prison law library. Cruz and Hamilton still talk regularly. The setback in Simpson’s courtroom last year was a blow, and learning about her illness did not soften it, Hamilton said. “It’s one thing to be in prison,” he said. “It’s another to have your freedom dangled right in front of your eyes and have it taken away because of the mental deficiency of a judge.”

After Vieira’s death, one of his closest survivors, Iasia Tyre, took authorities at their word that they had found the person responsible.

For Tyre, a social worker, there was more grief to come: The couple’s 17-year-old son, Kaiim Vieira, was shot dead in 2012 on a Brooklyn street by someone he had argued with. No one was ever arrested in the slaying. So who, if not Cruz, killed Kaiim’s father is not a question Tyre dwells on because her losses are “extremely difficult to relive,” she said in an interview.

“I just know that the information that I got was that Nelson killed Trevor, and I never heard anything different,” Tyre said. “If it’s in God’s plan for Nelson to be released because he didn’t do it, so be it.”

Photo of Cruz courtesy of Lonnie Soury. Photo of Scarcella and Simpson by Sean Piccoli.